Thu
Oct 29 2009
05:23 pm

The Commission is in the process of reviewing the Recall Amendment.

We currently have a 90 day window to meet the 15% of registered voter threshold to place a recall of an official on the ballot. This is a relatively high threshold to meet.

The National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) show the wide range of thresholds used in each state and the amount of time allowed for collection of the signatures...the time ranges from 60 days to 320 days with a wide variance in the amount of signatures requred going as low as 12% of the number of votes in the last election.

These statistics and the various arguments for raising as well as lowering the threshold is well stated by the NCSL.

As a community and before the next commission meeting we need to decide what we want before the decision is made for us.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Natl Conference of State Legislatures

Thanks, Shannon. The site looks like a good spot to get some context on this question of what level of petition signatures is appropriate.

The page "Recall of State Officials" is dated 2006, so I don't know how much of the info remains current. At that time, though, it appears that 18 states allowed recall of state officials. Tennessee is not listed among them as of that date but would be listed now. Virginia is not listed either, because their recall process is by trial, not by ballot, the site says.

It also says 29 local jurisdictions allow recall, but acknowledges that some sources cite 36 local jurisdictions allow it. I would expect that number to have risen in the last three years, as well?

See:
(link...)

Tamara Shepherd's picture

To compare apples to apples...

...it looks like we need to follow that link to the recall policies of "local jurisdictions."

I haven't studied the data very closely yet, but in my quick skim it looked like more local jurisdictions indexed the number of petition signatures they require to some percentage of voters voting in the last election for that office.

Fewer local jursidictions appeared to tie the number of signatures they require to the number of the locale's registered voters.

Given that the percentage relevant to either index varied, too, I guess we need to "do the math" to see how widely the signature thresholds vary numerically.

BrianPaone's picture

I don't know if I'd rely solely on this information

It appears woefully out of date and/or just plain wrong in some cases.

For example, under Tennessee's heading, it states only school board members and city council members can be recalled, cites the wrong statute, states there is no time limit for gathering signatures and that the number required is "66% of the total vote cast for the candidate receiving the highest number of votes at the last election".

BrianPaone's picture

Lowering signature threshold bad move without adding safeguards

If I've said it once, I've said it a million times - the signature threshold was set as high as it was because there aren't many other ways to help keep the recall mechanism from being turned into a factionalist political weapon.

TCA 2-5-151 controls the local recall process except for the number of signatures and the timeframe in which they can be gathered. There are no other misuse safeguards in 2-5-151 other than a high signature threshold, so I'm not sure if additional safeguards to compensate for a lower signature threshold can be installed in the local amendment and not run afoul of the controlling state legislation. That definitely needs to be investigated first, in my opinion, if there's going to be a "reinvent the wheel" approach to all of this.

Many states have lower thresholds, but also have additional safeguards to keep the process from being misused politically. For example, Minnesota's calls for 25% of the number of votes cast for the office in question, but also involves the Chief Justice of their state Supreme Court - the CJ has to approve the petition. It also has strict rules governing grounds for recall, which are not present in either our local provision or in the state's version.

Also, Rhode Island requires 15% of the number of votes cast for the office being recalled, but severely limits who can be targeted AND requires a recall petition to be endorsed by 3% of the number of votes cast for said office before the petition can even be circulated - a "pre-petition petition", if you will.

By keeping the signature threshold at a significant, but achievable target, the need for additional safeguards is lessened and the amendment itself doesn't get any more convoluted than it's already been made out to be (or "is", depending on viewpoint).

Advocate lowering the threshold if you like, but please - at least address the concern of a potential increase in the likelihood of abuse of the process while you're doing so. Don't neglect the forest in favor of a narrow focus on one or two trees.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

I'm advocating a look-see

I became curious to know more about other states'/local jurisdictions' recall provisions when I learned that California's Governor Gray Davis was removed in 2003 following a petition effort to collect signatures of just 12% of voters voting in the last gubernatorial election.

In California, then, both the percentage and the index to which the percentage applies are lower numbers, resulting in petitioners gathering less than half the volume of signatures as is required under Tennessee law.

California also allows 160 days to gather those signatures, not 75 (per Tennessee law) or 90 (per Knox County Charter).

Within California, though, the City of Los Angeles requires petition signatures equal to 15% of registered voters, just like Knox County does. I'm not sure about the applicable timeframe.

The City of San Francisco requires petition signatures equal to just 10% of registered voters WRT citywide offices, but applies a rate of 15% or even 20% to that base WRT district-level offices.

Also, San Francisco does not pay to verify every petition signature. They verify just a 5% sample of signatures.

There's a lot of variance out there, so why not examine the practices of multiple states and local jurisdictions, then draw our conclusions?

BrianPaone's picture

RE: comparisons

I became curious to know more about other states'/local jurisdictions' recall provisions when I learned that California's Governor Gray Davis was removed in 2003 following a petition effort to collect signatures of just 12% of voters voting in the last gubernatorial election.

"Just 12% of voters voting in the last gubernatorial election" turned out to be nearly 900,000 signatures - 897,158, to be exact. When your election turnouts are nearly 7.5 million (more than half the entire population of Tennessee), then higher thresholds tend to become more of a detriment to civic participation and less of a detriment to politicization.

In California, then, both the percentage and the index to which the percentage applies are lower numbers, resulting in petitioners gathering less than half the volume of signatures as is required under Tennessee law.

I'm not sure what you mean by "index to which the percentage applies". Can you please explain? Are you referring to the total number of registered voters casting a ballot in a given gubernatorial election?

California also allows 160 days to gather those signatures, not 75 (per Tennessee law) or 90 (per Knox County Charter).

Within California, though, the City of Los Angeles requires petition signatures equal to 15% of registered voters, just like Knox County does. I'm not sure about the applicable timeframe.

120 days, according to the city's recall/referendum handbook. Given the fact that the number of registered voters in the city of Los Angeles is nearly 1.6 million, the additional month for signature gathering doesn't come as a surprise.

The City of San Francisco requires petition signatures equal to just 10% of registered voters WRT citywide offices, but applies a rate of 15% or even 20% to that base WRT district-level offices.

Also, San Francisco does not pay to verify every petition signature. They verify just a 5% sample of signatures.

Funny you should mention San Francisco - in November 2008, voters there decided their previous threshold was too low and voted for the higher state standards. The measure, listed as Proposition E, passed with 60% of the vote.

In endorsing the change, the San Francisco Planning and Urban Research organization noted the correlation between lower signature thresholds and the number of recall efforts waged with apparent political motives.

As far as counting only a sample of the signatures, that's likely because San Francisco is a much, much more populous area than somewhere like Knox County is. Just an opinion, but I don't know if our population rises to the level of having to consider the necessity of just counting a sample size.

There's a lot of variance out there, so why not examine the practices of multiple states and local jurisdictions, then draw our conclusions?

It's not a bad idea necessarily, but I question the wisdom in looking at areas that have much greater populations AND active, ballot-casting voters than Knox County does. It seems comparing an area like San Francisco, which has about as many registered voters as Knox County has total residents AND an 81% voter turnout in the November 2008 elections, may not be a good comparison, but that's just my opinion.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Sorry to have disappeared

Sorry to have disappeared from this conversation last night--at my house, we were neck deep in an Eighth Grade book-report-and-elaborate-poster-presentation-of-same. Looks like I've got some catching up to do...

Yes, I see now that while this site doesn't indicate on its first page that TN even allows recall (which is why I didn't look for any TN data elsewhere at the site), it does indicate on its second page several erroneously-stated provisions of same. Coupled with the age of the information there generally, I have to agree that the Natl Conference of State Legislatures site may not be a reliable source for determining what other states/local jurisdictions do. Maybe a state-by-state recap on what other states do is available elsewhere? Let's look around.

As to why I looked at California's processes first, it was just because I knew beforehand that the state allowed recall. So far, it's the only state who's process I've reviewed, so I may or may not wind up agreeing with your assertion that the low signature threshold exists there solely because it's a populous and/or very civically-engaged state.

My questions there are, wouldn't a populous state also have more available volunteers to work a recall effort (which would seem to support the need for a higher threshold, not a lower one)? And wouldn't a state in which voter turnout runs higher also tend to generate more volunteers for a recall effort (which would also seem to support the need for a higher threshold, not a lower one)? I'd like to look at the processes of other populous/civically-engaged states to get more context...

Yes, in my comment about California's versus Tennessee's signature threshold, you understood what I meant when I referred to the "index to which (Tennessee's) percentage applies." I should have said that the base to which Tennessee's percentage applies is higher than that in California, as is the percentage itself.

What I meant was, Tennessee law requires petition signatures equal to 15% of registered voters, while California provided, at the time of the Davis recall, 12% of voters participating in the last gubernatorial election. Therefore, in determining the number of petition signatures required, California law linked to a smaller base of voters (only those participating in the last gubernatorial) AND applied to that base a lower percentage (12%).

With regard to the position the San Francisco Planning and Research organization took on that city's recent proposal to raise their signature threshold, I have to say I read it like Shannon does. That the organization supported the notion is not particularly compelling, since their position was little more than government speaking what's best for government. Furthermore, their own site indicates that even under the lower threshold, no successful recall had taken place there in the 40 years prior. The real clincher is that their website also indicates that in spite of four recent recall attempts against members of their Board of Supervisors, not one of those attempts even landed a recall question on the ballot, much less succeeded in recalling anyone.

It looks to me, then, like San Francisco voters could and did easily discern some politically-motivated recall attempts (which I agree these appeared to be)--and they had none of it.

Why did they subsequently vote to raise their signature threshold, then? My guess is that the recent attempts on the part of some there to enact politically-motivated recalls has caused voters to focus too much on problems in their area's recent history and to focus too little on what problems may arise in their future--as in any legitimate need to enact a recall.

In retrospect, I think our 2007 citizen group probably made the same error. Given our concern for the Black Wednesday appointment process in our recent history, we were understandably intent on securing special elections as part of our recall amendment drive. Just as San Franciscians may be a bit complacent about any legitimate need for them to enact a recall in the future, we were probably too complacent about investigating the costs of this special election provision we assumed was a given.

I don't have time for much more research or conversation on this subject this morning, but I'm glad it's underway. I'll look forward to checking back in tonight and seeing what guidance anyone else had been able to find and share. It seems we have an opportunity in the next couple of months (or more) for a thorough look at what other jurisdictions do in the way of recall, and I'd be pleased to see that review unfold in a slower, more participatory manner.

ShannonSz's picture

relevancy

think the point is not a discussion of accuracy of statistics....although i see no dispute of the first pages of state statistics....but the fact this has not been discussed and since the amendment is going to be redone, all facts need to be reviewed which was not the case previously.

Anyone can nitpick something and find errors and diputs comments but overall, the public did not particpate in discussion of things like threshold and it is apparent that a small number just put it on the ballot without discussion of the best path and content....the public on the other hand voted simply to have a 'recall' provision and did not necessarily understand that their are various methods of recall.

I see no disagreement with the state statistics as of 2006, the time we were considering adding the recall to the ballot, and I would have liked to see this addressed at that time.

I feel a group interested should at least be convined to discuss this, unlike what occurred in 2007 when it was just 'done' without opportunity for public input.

ShannonSz's picture

and one needs to remember,

and one needs to remember, it is being redone because of the special election provision....who was responsible for that being added and added not to coincide with current elections and who identified the cost of half a million for consideration before it was added?

these facts and statistics that are being presented here should be collected and prepared for review prior to any changes in the amendment.

disputing personal statements, accuracy of statistics belong in that forum for public comment and review prior to vote of the commission.

have a forum, bring your facts and arguments and documentation and present your position and justification at that time for all who are interested to consider.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Recap: California/Los Angeles/San Francisco practices

Because I didn't support some of my stats above with links, here are highlights from the current, authoritative instruction on recall of citywide officials in California’s cities containing 100,000+ registered voters and in Los Angeles and San Francisco, in particular. Links to the source handbooks follow.

(Yes, California’s Secretary of State and these two larger cities actually publish handbooks on this subject for use by their citizens. Isn't that refreshing?!)

2007 Procedure for Recalling State and Local Officials
(prepared by California Secretary of State to instruct cities/counties lacking any charter):
Sliding scale such that in locales with 100,000 + registered voters,
10% of registered voters (over 160 days)
(link...)
(page 20)

2009 City of Los Angeles Initiative, Referendum, and Recall Petition Handbook
(prepared by Office of the City Clerk - Election Division):
15% of registered voters, over 120 days
(link...)
(pages 16-17)

2009 San Francisco Guide to Recall Elections
(prepared by Department of Elections):
10% of registered voters
(link...)
(page 6)

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Wiki source in error?

Funny you should mention San Francisco - in November 2008, voters there decided their previous threshold was too low and voted for the higher state standards. The measure, listed as Proposition E, passed with 60% of the vote.

Brian, I'm wondering if that Wikipedia source you cited is correct? It indicates that this SF vote transpired in November 2008, like you say, but the San Francisco Guide to Recall Elections I link above (prepared by the city's Dept of Elections) is dated September, 2009 and it says that to recall an officer elected Citywide, signatures equal to "at least ten percent of voters in the City and County" are required?

Given that the city's doc was written nearly a year after this November 2008 election is said to have taken place, I'm thinking it's likely up-to-date?

BrianPaone's picture

I doubt it.

(link...)

Here, it's noted as "Measure E" (I wish they'd do a better job of labeling these things), and shows passage. Here's more information on Prop/Measure E from SmartVoter, and the phone number for the San Francisco city government is (415) 701-2311.

While we're on the subject of San Francisco, here's a more recent article that discusses potential abuses of the recall process out there in SF, and this editorial by Paul Hogarth of BeyondChron discusses how the process at that point had been perverted into a political weapon.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Distinction is district-level vs. citywide recall efforts

I see the distinction now. Prop E served to raise the sig threshold only for district-level recall efforts, as in Board of Supervisor recall efforts, following those four recent attempts to recall some of San Fran's Board of Supervisor members.

Prop E did not change the sig threshold for citywide recall efforts, which remains set at 10% of registered voters.

If Knox County utilized San Fran's unchanged sig threshold for recalling an official elected citywide, Knox County petitioners would need to collect around 26,000 sigs rather than the 40,000 sigs our 15% of registered voters rule requires for any countywide recall.

Also, if Knox County utilized the sig threshold some other locales employ, linking the sig threshold to number of voters last casting votes for the office in question (rather than linking to the number of registered voters in the locale), Knox County petitioners would again need to collect about half the sigs our 15% of registered voters rule requires for any countywide recall.

Meanwhile, I've yet to see evidence that San Fran's previous lower sig threshold for district-level recall efforts or its existing lower sig threshold for citywide recall efforts has resulted in any successful recall of an official.

In fact, I'm not yet aware of any instance in which that lower sig threshold has even resulted in placing a recall question on the city's ballot.

So far, all I've seen is affirming of San Fran voters' ability to discern a politically-motivated recall effort. Not only have they not cast their votes for such measures, they haven't even signed these petitions.

Like the three Board of Supervisors members quoted in one of your links, I tend to think this Prop E was "a solution in search of a problem."

ShannonSz's picture

arbitrarily keeping the

arbitrarily keeping the threshold high is ridiculous and pointless....adding a condition would accomodate any issues of abuse like other areas have.

it is the people who should chose, not some arrogant arbitrator who decides we don't know how or have the right and therefore it should be in the 'best interest'...that is the politician's argument and not that of the people.

the vote is the deciding factor and without a special election, adds no significant cost to the process....in fact counting over fourty k instead of under twenty k signatures in the county IS a savings.

and again, that does not mean the recall would pass.

it is a lame argument to ridicule statistics without proof.

BrianPaone's picture

So much for civility.

arbitrarily keeping the threshold high is ridiculous and pointless....adding a condition would accomodate any issues of abuse like other areas have.

I'm not sure what you're using as your definition of "arbitrary", but as stated previously there was a reason the threshold was set to where it was - to act as a deterrent against potential abuse of the recall mechanism while keeping recall achievable, in the simplest possible fashion.

As far as "adding a condition" goes, again, it seems more than prudent to inquire if TCA 2-5-151 - the controlling statute concerning recall other than regarding signature thresholds or petition time limits - would interfere with setting any additional conditions. It might, it might not, but so far no one's mentioned any efforts to check.

it is the people who should chose, not some arrogant arbitrator who decides we don't know how or have the right and therefore it should be in the 'best interest'...that is the politician's argument and not that of the people.

Given that nearly 3/4 of the voters that went to the polls in 2008 voted in favor of the current amendment, I'm not sure what you mean by this statement - especially the "arrogant arbitrator" bit, since no one person can enact a charter change on their own. It specifically requires voter approval.

the vote is the deciding factor and without a special election, adds no significant cost to the process....in fact counting over fourty k instead of under twenty k signatures in the county IS a savings.

Maybe because it's getting late, but I don't understand what you meant by this statement. Since most recalled offices would likely be filled by appointment as called for in multiple state statutes, so I can see wanting to scrap the entire special election process if cost is a concern, but the next sentence seems to advocate keeping the current signature standard...? Can you please elaborate?

it is a lame argument to ridicule statistics without proof.

If you're referring to my comment concerning Ms. Shepherd's link to local recall statutes, I'd hardly consider it "ridicule" to point out obviously incorrect information at said link. My sincere apologies, however, if you took offense to the statement for some reason.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Where?

It appears woefully out of date and/or just plain wrong in some cases.

For example, under Tennessee's heading, it states only school board members and city council members can be recalled, cites the wrong statute, states there is no time limit for gathering signatures and that the number required is "66% of the total vote cast for the candidate receiving the highest number of votes at the last election".

Where are you finding this, Brian?

At the link I shared, I don't see Tennessee listed at all (per my comment earlier)?

ShannonSz's picture

yes, that was what I was

yes, that was what I was refering to....nice to see source of stats if used to argue legitimate stats.

the NCSL shows objectively both sides and our recall amendment was passed without consideration shared on all aspects.

it would be worth the effort, now that changes are being made, to do it right.

BrianPaone's picture

RE: remarks

yes, that was what I was refering to....nice to see source of stats if used to argue legitimate stats.

Please see link provided to Ms. Shepherd and compare with TCA 2-5-151, which is the controlling state statute in regard to recall in the state of Tennessee. In the link provided, the information stated under Tennessee's entry is clearly incorrect, including citing the wrong statute.

My apologies if I wasn't clear enough before, but I hope this alleviates any concerns you may have had.

the NCSL shows objectively both sides and our recall amendment was passed without consideration shared on all aspects.

I'm not sure what you mean by this - the recall amendment was discussed at length on multiple occasions, and I believe even you yourself were present for one or two of those occasions. Further, the public had over 8 months AFTER passage by Commission to consider and discuss the amendment itself, so I'm not sure I understand your concern in this regard. Can you please elaborate?

it would be worth the effort, now that changes are being made, to do it right.

Legislative housekeeping measures and cleanup are oftentimes required, but special care should always be taken when considering changes that water down built-in protections - right?

BrianPaone's picture

Link

Link provided on page you linked to (under "local jurisdictions"), but here's the direct link for brevity's sake:

(link...)

ShannonSz's picture

It does not appear that

It does not appear that statistics appear to indicate the recall vote has been abused and the argument to increase the threshold appears to be political in nature, actually protecting the politician who is inclined to fall into categories that warrant a recall in the first place.

Even with a lower threshold, it is unlikely the recall can or would be abused.

The threat seems to be all talk and the reality is being reasonable and applying criteria norms used in other communities would be cheaper and better serve the community.

To have an unatainable standard is not necessary when the subject of recall is put on the ballot for the voter to decide in a regular election once the special election condition is removed from the amendment.

of course, Lambert does disagree, but then this is not surprising. It is probably a good reason to support modification of the high threshold we currently along with the expensive process. Keeping it too high keeps the people from having a say but does little to defer the deep pockets from abusing the system.

with the lowering of the threshold it will make this attainable in our particular community in response to gross neglegance and communities like ours, but not something that can be abused, any more than the vote itself can be compromised.

ShannonSz's picture

November agenda

it has been suggested not to address this on the November agenda, fortunately, and this allows input from us.

I encourage this input and taking the time not to just read these exchanges, but review the actual material and support the threshold being lowered if you want to make the recall more attainable while remembering that this simply puts the recall on the ballot.

I suspect when an individual is placed on the ballot for recall they will be working hard to be more accountable before the next election takes place. For that reason alone I support the easing of the threshold.

fifteen percent of the voters, or around twenty thousand signatures, is not an easy mark as it is. The fifteen percent of the registered voters is very difficult to obtain and is over fourty thousand signatures.

It should be noted that verifying signatures costs around one dollar each.

BrianPaone's picture

I encourage this input and

I encourage this input and taking the time not to just read these exchanges, but review the actual material and support the threshold being lowered if you want to make the recall more attainable while remembering that this simply puts the recall on the ballot.

On the other hand, it's also prudent to take into account the county government's factionalized entitlement culture. Given that culture, it certainly seems important to note that such factionalized, well-funded groups can easily take advantage of a recall mechanism with a significantly lowered threshold.

For example, with Knox County's historically poor voter turnouts, even a change from 15% of total registered voters to 15% of whoever showed up to vote for governor can reduce the number of signatures one of those groups needs to collect by HALF. In districts with historically poor turnouts, like First District, it's conceivable that a recall effort can be conducted that only requires HUNDREDS of signatures - a huge problem, I'm sure you'll agree.

I suspect when an individual is placed on the ballot for recall they will be working hard to be more accountable before the next election takes place. For that reason alone I support the easing of the threshold.

I don't know if the first two targets - Bill Lockett and Bill Phillips - are proving you right. If anything, they appear to be proving you wrong.

Lockett still refuses to address the subject with his bosses, and has instead opted to hole up in his office and get full pay for doing 1/3 of his job.

Phillips appears to be actively fighting his recall despite the fact that he has been censured AND asked to resign by his peers, as well as the fact that he admitted guilt for his actionable offense in a court of law as part of a plea deal designed to take his offense from a felony - an ousterable offense - down to a misdemeanor.

These don't appear to be the actions of recalcitrant individuals, but that's just a personal opinion.

fifteen percent of the voters [voting in the last gubernatorial - added for clarification], or around twenty thousand signatures, is not an easy mark as it is. The fifteen percent of the registered voters is very difficult to obtain and is over fourty thousand signatures.

Again, 20k's a lot easier for a political faction to attain than 40k, and again, if seven controversial measures over two ballots can garner the public support required to get 40k in signatures, it's very difficult to argue that a properly-initiated recall is unattainable at the current levels. Difficult? Yes. Impossible? No.

BrianPaone's picture

It does not appear that

It does not appear that statistics appear to indicate the recall vote has been abused and the argument to increase the threshold appears to be political in nature, actually protecting the politician who is inclined to fall into categories that warrant a recall in the first place.

I'm not sure I follow - the link to SPUR containing analysis of Proposition E DOES, in fact, demonstrate abuse of the San Francisco recall system - starting in 1983 with the VERY politically-motivated recall attempt of then-mayor Dianne Feinstein over - get this - her stance on handguns. I'd appreciate it greatly if you would read the information provided before summarily dismissing it. There's not much point to a conversation otherwise.

The threat seems to be all talk and the reality is being reasonable and applying criteria norms used in other communities would be cheaper and better serve the community.

Again, I would have to argue that looking at areas like Los Angeles and San Francisco - two areas where registered voter populations outnumber the whole of Knox County's - may not be the best of ideas. Might you have any examples of recall amendments being utilized by comparably-sized communities?

Also, it bears noting again that most areas mentioned that have lower signature thresholds also have additional deterrents. Again, has anyone checked to see if TCA 2-5-151 would even allow such additional deterrents that said communities have apparently decided they needed, having enacted them?

of course, Lambert does disagree, but then this is not surprising. It is probably a good reason to support modification of the high threshold we currently along with the expensive process. Keeping it too high keeps the people from having a say but does little to defer the deep pockets from abusing the system.

Lowering the threshold also makes it much easier for those with "deep pockets" to abuse the system, as demonstrated in the Feinstein recall attempt. That cost Feinstein nearly half a million dollars - in 1983 dollars - to fight just because of a different political ideology concerning guns.

Wasn't there quite a sizable local debate recently involving gun law?

with the lowering of the threshold it will make this attainable in our particular community in response to gross neglegance and communities like ours, but not something that can be abused, any more than the vote itself can be compromised.

Your personal opinion aside, it should be noted that the Knox Charter Petition group was able to muster sufficient community support for seven highly controversial ballot items at that same standard to get them on the ballot. Given the fact that a proper (read: non-politically-motivated) recall amendment is highly unlikely to be as controversial as the KCP efforts, I'm not sure I would agree with you.

ShannonSz's picture

state v local recall

it was my understanding, when supporting the recall in 2007, that the intent was to lower the threshold from the state level. In areas like highly urbanized LA or SF, I could see upping the count due to one's ability one has to stand on any corner and collect thousands of signatures. Knoxville is not populated in that way. Going door to door is a formidable task and not one local voters can easily accomplish without major funding from private resources.

when originally participating in the 2007 recall amendment, I had understood that was the objective and don't recall these meetings to discuss anything being held with exception of those at Shoney's with two or three people in attendance.

granted I was hospitalized the last month of the process, but don't have these large numbers of people involved in my recall roster either.

It almost seems like it was better to leave the recall as established at the state level if this was not the objective to lower the threshold except for the fact local school boards and districts can now be subject to recall.....the reason this is up for review is simply the one thing added to the recall amendment was requrement for special elections.....something the commission is reviewing to remove due to the extrodinary cost and timing to accomplish this. It is perplexing that this was put there in the first place without review of others involved and I am hearing from past posts this was not discussed in meetings with any group. Perhaps someone will correct me if I am wrong.

IMO it is important to make the process clear so we know what is the norm and why, so we can participate in the commission approved document and don't have it just slipped through wthout input.

the 2008 vote made it clear that the people wanted a recall, but there was no educational outreach to share what the recall amendment consisted of and why.

BrianPaone's picture

it was my understanding,

it was my understanding, when supporting the recall in 2007, that the intent was to lower the threshold from the state level. In areas like highly urbanized LA or SF, I could see upping the count due to one's ability one has to stand on any corner and collect thousands of signatures. Knoxville is not populated in that way. Going door to door is a formidable task and not one local voters can easily accomplish without major funding from private resources.

You understood incorrectly, for at least three months, apparently. The signature threshold never changed from the very first draft. Also, with the advent of the internet, petition-gathering logistics have changed radically in just a few short years and are likely to continue trending toward "digital civics" Of course, D2D likely won't be phased out anytime soon, but it's possible your line of thought might be a little dated in that regard.

when originally participating in the 2007 recall amendment, I had understood that was the objective and don't recall these meetings to discuss anything being held with exception of those at Shoney's with two or three people in attendance.

Again, to demonstrate the trend toward "digital civics" - much of the planning "meetings" held to craft the amendment were held via email for the convenience of all involved. Also again, the signature threshold remained a constant throughout the process. I'm not sure how you arrived to the conclusion that it wasn't discussed, nor am I sure why you never said anything until two years after the fact.

It almost seems like it was better to leave the recall as established at the state level if this was not the objective to lower the threshold except for the fact local school boards and districts can now be subject to recall.....the reason this is up for review is simply the one thing added to the recall amendment was requrement for special elections.....something the commission is reviewing to remove due to the extrodinary cost and timing to accomplish this. It is perplexing that this was put there in the first place without review of others involved and I am hearing from past posts this was not discussed in meetings with any group. Perhaps someone will correct me if I am wrong.

...allow me to correct you, then?

The special election portion, particularly the timing of such, was the featured subject of discussion concerning the amendment in the November, 2007 general session meeting as well as the Intergovernmental/Finance committee meetings. If I'm not mistaken, you were actually present for at least one of those discussions in which Stackhouse broke down, event by event, the recall amendment timeframe. Mark Siegel was present, because I asked him if he agreed with the timeframe and he - like everyone else present at the time - didn't have any heartburn with what was presented.

IMO it is important to make the process clear so we know what is the norm and why, so we can participate in the commission approved document and don't have it just slipped through wthout input.

the 2008 vote made it clear that the people wanted a recall, but there was no educational outreach to share what the recall amendment consisted of and why.

Your opinion is what it is, but it appears to be based on faulty memory as historical events simply don't match up with your recollection.

Also, my wife wanted to pass along to you that she - like most voters in this town - are perfectly capable of reading a piece of legislation for themselves and deciding whether or not they want it. Personally, I'm not one to tell people how to vote, but I guess you and I will just have to agree to disagree on that point.

ShannonSz's picture

informative meetings never held as I recall

on the recall issue I don't recall there ever being a meeting to discuss the content with public input....lisa, chuck, tamara, please correct me and show where this was the case if I am incorrect.

A couple of lunches with one or two attendants were held at Shoney's, with supporters were held, the same people included on the original eleven or so supporters, but no overall discussion and exchange with the public was ever held as I recall and only emails exchanged with these people and Paone.

How do I know? I had the list and provided it to Paone because he calimed to have misplaced it more than once.....it is a small list.

Had this gone to the petition process there is no way it would have gotten to base one with no public participation except for the 'recall' name on the petition. People proved they wanted a 'recall' amendment but NOT a high threshold for one. that was never discussed in public forums to the best of my knowledge so how would the public have known there was even a choice of the threshold? Or what other areas could be addressed or found acceptable to be included such as conditions of office which would allow the process to go forward?

I feel strongly the public needs to participate with the recall process and decide if they want the threshold or decreased. The Phillips and Lockett recalls will not have anything to do with this and there is no indication the process will succeed in the first place.

We don't need to just listen to scare tactics from Lambert claiming the deep pockets will take over.....what is the purpose of the recall? It is not a petition we are discussing, but a recall and those being put on the ballot for recall are not being removed from office, but being put on the ballot to decide if they should be removed. Lowering the threshold for putting it on the ballot would be less costly, not more so long as the special election stipulation is removed.

bill young's picture

More Thoughts

1.Signatures required to hold a recall election

25% of the voters in the last REGULARY scheduled
election for the office that is being recalled.

2 examples:

To recall the law director it would be 25%
of the vote for that office in the 2008 county
general election.

34,404 votes cast x .25=6,601.

Therefore,6,601 signatures needed to place
a recall on the ballot for the office of
law director.

To recall a member of the school board in the
8th district it would be 25% of the vote for that
office in the 2008 county general election.

3,819 votes cast x .25=954.

Therefore,954 signatures needed to place a recall
on the ballot for the office of school board 8th district.

The tricky wicket of off year county recall.

In the years that there are regularly scheduled
county elections..pretty easy.

One has 3 bites at the apple to hold a
recall election with no additional cost.

County primary,county & state general.
All held county wide.

However,in the off county election years
a recall election,as we now know it,is
expensive.

Why not put in the recall charter amendment
that in off county election years..the recall
election would utilize some form of convience
voting?

Then,as I've advocated in earlier posts,if the
recall is sucessful declare the office vacant
& follow the charter per vacancies.

I believe constructing a recall amendment
utilizing both the charter's requirements
per a vacancy & in the off years for county
elections requiring some form of convience voting
in the recall election would get us over the top
on the costes.

Plus,by utilizing some form of convience voting
in the off years for county elections it would satisfy
those that are perplexed as to how we recall an office
holder in the off years.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

TN versus CA, WA, WI

Bill Lockett received 34,404 Knox County votes for Law Director in the August 7, 2008 county general election:
(link...)

Phil Bredesen received 87,521 Knox County votes for Governor in the November 7, 2006 state general election:
(link...)

There are approximately 265,000 registered voters in Knox County (I think).

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

California requires petition signatures equal to 10% of registered voters in the jurisdiction served by the citywide local official (California Election Code, Section 11221): (link...)

If California's state law applied here, it would take approximately 26,500 signatures (265,000 X 10%) to place on the ballot a question to recall Bill Lockett, NOT 40,000.

Washington requires petition signatures equal to 25% of the votes cast in the last election for a given local office to recall that local officeholder (Revised Code of Washington, 29A.56.180): (link...)

If Washington's state law applied here, it would take 8,601 signatures (34,404 x 25%) to place on the ballot a question to recall Bill Lockett, NOT 40,000.

Wisconsin requires petition signatures equal to 25% of the votes cast in the last election for governor to recall a local officeholder (Wisconsin State Code 9.10): (link...)

If Wisconsin's state law applied here, it would take 21,880 signatures (87,521 x 25%) to place on the ballot a question to recall Bill Lockett, NOT 40,000.

Gregg Lonas's picture

My two cents

I believe a petition drive should need the following to put the recall on the ballot.
County District race: 51% of the total votes cast for the position in which the elected official holds.
Bill Phillips received a total of 3819 votes and was elected to office August 7, 2008. So we would need 1911 signatures on a recall petition to put it on the ballot under my suggestion.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Hmmm...

I guess you noticed that we're being asked to collect more petition sigs to remove Lockett(40,000) than he got to win the office in the first place (34,404)?

That is, we must collect sigs equal to 116% of total votes cast for the position!

bill young's picture

51%

Greg,you are right, 51% is better than 25%.
25% is too low.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

51% is still less than half the present threshold

If our rule were to collect sigs equal to 51% of total votes cast in the last election for the official being recalled:

Votes cast in last election for law director = 34,404 votes
51% of same = 17,546.04 sigs
Present threshold = 40,000 sigs

It should be perfectly adequate to prove through a petition drive that 51% of voters who put Lockett in, a majority, now agree that we *might* want to pose this question to take him out.

But what is the rationale for asking us to prove that 116% of those voters agree with us?

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Remember that "qualifying" petition?

Greg,you are right, 51% is better than 25%.
25% is too low.

Hey, it just took 25 signatures to pose a question to put Bill Lockett in office back in 2008.

Why should it take more than 26 signatures now to pose a question to take him out?!

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Formulas for remaining 15 of 19 states allowing state recall

In making comparisons between our Knox County Charter instruction for recall and the local recall laws adopted by other states, I've been trying to link directly to those states' statutes. I'm finding states' codes easily enough, but it's been difficult to locate their recall instruction within the codes...

The National Conference of State Legislatures, linked at the start of this thread, indicates that there are 19 states (including Tennessee) that allow recall of their state officials. I don't know whether just these 19 states allow recall of their local officials, or if maybe more states than that allow local recall.

In any event, Commissioner Richard Briggs has outlined on the Commission Forum the local recall guidelines of just these 19 states (excepting Tennessee):

(link...)

Using his reporting to commissioners rather than any more hard-to-glean statues (and skipping TN, CA, WA, and WI, detailed above), here are the formulas of the other 15 states for determining how many petition signatures will result in a recall ballot question AND how many petition signatures would be required in our local Bill Lockett recall effort, if that state's forumula were applicable here.

Alaska:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 votes for law director x 25% = 8,601 sigs)

Arizona:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 25 = 8,601 sigs)

Colorado:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 25% = 8,601 sigs)

Georgia:
15% of eligible voters at time of last election
(265,000 registered voters x 15% = 39,750 sigs)

Idaho:
20% of eligible voters at time of last election
(265,000 X 20% = 53,000 sigs)

Kansas:
40% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 40% = 13,761 sigs)

Louisiana:
33.3% of eligible voters at time of last election
(265,000 x 33% = 88,245 sigs)

Michigan:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 25% = 8,601 sigs)

Minnesota:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 25% = 8,601 sigs)

Montana:
10% of eligible voters at time of last election
(265,000 x 10% = 26,500 sigs)

Nevada:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 25% = 8,601 sigs)

New Jersey:
25% of registered voters in the district of the official being recalled
(265,000 x 25% = 66,250 sigs)

North Dakota:
25% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 25% - 8,601 sigs)

Oregon:
15% of total votes cast in last election for governor
(87,521 votes for governor x 15% = 13,128 sigs)

Rhode Island:
15% of votes last cast for the official being recalled
(34,404 x 15% = 5,160 sigs)

Summary:

Among 18 other states, only 3 states call for more recall petition sigs than does TN.

Among 18 other states, only 1 state calls for the same volume of recall petition sigs as does TN.

Among 18 other states, 14 states call for fewer recall petition sigs than does TN.

Among 18 other states, 8 states call for 1/4 as few recall petition sigs as does TN.

Tamara Shepherd's picture

Corrrection: Applying WI or OR rule to local Lockett effort

Returning to this conversation to correct two related miscalculations I just discovered...

I said (Sat., 10/31 @ 3:00 pm):

Phil Bredesen received 87,521 Knox County votes for Governor in the November 7, 2006 state general election:
Link...

...and...

Wisconsin requires petition signatures equal to 25% of the votes cast in the last election for governor to recall a local officeholder (Wisconsin State Code 9.10): Link...

If Wisconsin's state law applied here, it would take 21,880 signatures (87,521 x 25%) to place on the ballot a question to recall Bill Lockett, NOT 40,000.

I also said (Sat., 10/31 @ 4:59 pm):

Oregon:
15% of total votes cast in last election for governor
(87,521 votes for governor x 15% = 13,128 sigs)

Both of my calculations concerning the required number of petition signatures Wisconsin and Oregon would require are in error. I now see that I used as the base for these calculations just the vote garnered by Bredesen (87,521), rather than the vote garnered by all 2006 gubernatorial candidates combined (122,481).

I'm sure I made the oversight because I had just performed a similar calculation for a state following the rule requiring a "percentage of votes last cast for the office subject to recall," which meant I'd dug up Lockett's vote total in his uncontested general election race. The governor's race was contested in the general election, though, so I should have included the votes for all candidates in the base.

Using the correct base to apply Wisconsin's and Oregon's rule to our local effort to recall Lockett, we would be required to collect 30,620 sigs per the WI rule (not 21,880) or 18,372 sigs per the OR rule (not 13,128).

Finally, I said (Sat., 10/31 @ 4:59 pm):

Summary:

Among 18 other states, only 3 states call for more recall petition sigs than does TN.

Among 18 other states, only 1 state calls for the same volume of recall petition sigs as does TN.

Among 18 other states, 14 states call for fewer recall petition sigs than does TN.

Among 18 other states, 8 states call for 1/4 as few recall petition sigs as does TN.

The summary, though, still stands.

It wasn't bothering you, but it was bothering me. Anyway, you may always depend on me to self-report my screw-ups, if/when I become aware of them :-)

bill young's picture

Mistaken

State law requries a recall election to be held
with a GENERAL election.

Therefore,I was wrong,can not hold a recall election
during the county primary.

Only during the state or county GENERAL election.

Of course the state law could be changed.

Erin Lonas's picture

And my 2 cents...

And in my opinion, gathering any % of registered voters isn't a good place to start as the voter files are only purged every 6 years. We have found countless examples of residents with multiple voters that have moved on.

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